|
|
|
Annemie Demol & Els Tobback
The
distribution
of
IL and CE in French copular sentences: semantic and
informational aspects
This paper deals with the influence of information structure on the use
of the French personal pronoun IL and the demonstrative pronoun CE in
copular sentences. On the basis of a corpus study, it shows that IL is
likely to mark topic continuity in the vast majority (88%) of the
examples. The results for CE appear to be less clear-cut as CE is used
in a wider variety of constellations (it can be used with or without
concrete antecedent, it appears quite often in dislocated structures).
However, overall, the different results converge and show that CE is
often likely to function as a topic shift marker.
full
text
(up)
|
| Astrid De Wit & Frank
Brisard
Expressions
of
epistemic
contingency in the use of the English present progressive
In this paper, we propose a unified account of the semantic
polyfunctionality of the present progressive in English (involving
temporal, aspectual, and modal usage types) in terms of epistemic
contingency or non-necessity. More specifically, by means of a
corpus-based study of spoken American English we show how the observed
modal usage types can be derived, directly or indirectly, from this
construction’s most schematic meaning, which we argue is modal as well.
This analysis is carried out within the framework of Cognitive Grammar
(Langacker 1987, 1991), which provides both the conceptual analytical
tools and the theoretical assumptions underlying the analysis.
full
text
(up)
|
|
Tatiana Milliaressi
Opposition aspectuelle en russe et en français
Verbal
aspect
is
a universal category which manifests itself differently
across languages. Its function is to express the delimitation of the
duration of a situation in time by means of regular verbal forms.
Telicity is not a property inherent in the delimited situation but one
of the characteristics of the Russian perfective aspect. The choice of
the perfective aspect is not determined by telicity but by the nature
of the temporal delimitation of the situation. In French, telicity
cannot be expressed by grammatical forms. That is why delimitation of
the duration of a situation occurs in time. The nature of temporal
delimitation of situations is different in Russian and in French.
full
text
(up)
|
| Koen Plevoets
Verkavelingsvlaams
als
de
voertaal van de verburgerlijking van Vlaanderen
Deze paper bestudeert de verspreiding van de zogenaamde Vlaamse
tussentaal, ook nog het ‘Verkavelingsvlaams’ genoemd, vanuit sociale
optiek. Meer bepaald worden van verschillende beroepsgroepen,
opleidingsgraden en sekses de onderlinge linguïstische afstanden
bepaald op basis van zevenendertig taalvariabelen en aan de hand van de
profielgebaseerde uniformiteitsmetriek. Het corpus waarvan er voor de
berekeningen gebruik gemaakt wordt is het Corpus Gesproken Nederlands.
De analyses geven dan aan dat tussentaal het kenmerk is de meer gegoede
lagen in de Vlaamse samenleving. De standaardtaal moge uit de
resultaten nog blijken als een indicator voor de mate van opleiding,
tussentaal komt naar voren als de ‘hypocorrecte’ variëteit van de
groepen die zich na de Tweede Wereldoorlog door de stijging van de
welvaart en levensstandaard maatschappelijk hebben weten te
emanciperen. Tussentaal laat zich zo lezen als de ‘conspicuous leisure’
van een gearriveerde bovenkaste, die een zodanig niveau van welstand
heeft vergaard dat ze zich zorgeloos enige flexibiliteit ten opzichte
van omgangscodes en –normen kan permitteren zonder daarvoor aan status
in te boeten. Tussentaal is dan ook niet zozeer het taaltje van hen
‘die wel Standaardnederlands kúnnen maar het niet wíllen
spreken’; het is vooral het distinctiemiddel van hen die het niet meer
hoeven te spreken.
full
text
(up)
|
|
Guido
Vanden Wyngaerd
Semantic Shifts
This
paper
examines
different types of approaches to semantic shifts. Taking
stative-dynamic shifts as a case in point, it is argued that they
provide evidence for an approach to the phenomenon of semantic shift
which is, at least in part, syntactic. At the same time, the approach
defended leaves room for a degree of lexical vagueness. This is a
second important contributing factor which needs to be taken into
account in analyzing the phenomenon of semantic shifts.
full
text
(up)
|
| Willy
Vandeweghe
Negatievermenigvuldiging in
het West-Vlaams
Sentence
negation is expressed in modern standard Dutch with one single negation
marker per sentence: Ik heb haar niet gezien [‘I didn’t see her’],
Niemand is meer veilig [‘Nobody is safe anymore’], Ik heb niets
verklapt [‘I didn’t tell anything’]. Other vernaculars need more than
one marker, expressing one single negation, as in French or South
African: FR Je ne l’ai pas vu [‘I didn’t see him’], S-Afr Je moe nie
huil nie [‘You don’t need to cry’]. Middle Dutch also exhibited double
negation marking: Ic en sie hem niet [‘I don’t see him’]. After going
into the phenomenon of multiple negation and the so-called Jespersen
cycle, this paper will deal with multiplication of NEG marking in
Flemish dialects. In my native West-Flemish dialect (Wingene H119),
multiplication with no less than seven markers is possible, especially
when quantifier negation is brought into consideration.
full
text
(up)
|
|
|
